2011年2月10日星期四

谁欠了你啊?

前美国驻马来西亚大使John Malott 在华尔街日报的文章, The Price of Malaysia's Racism 见报后,一如预期的,保马党的土权阿里,靠马哈迪势力入阁当副首相的木油丁,纷纷出来声援,内容大可不必重复。中文报道

有个叫Umar Mukhtar 的毛驴,在 The Malaysian Insider 写了一篇叫 A Respond to John Malott's WSJ article。 指控一切马来西亚的种族主义源自华文源流小学和华文独中。

因为有华小和独中,就是华印裔不爱国不认同自己为马来西亚人的铁证?
因为有华小和独中,就可以合理化一切的种族偏颇主义?


"In Malaysia, a different approach towards early education was adopted. In concession to the non-Malays, especially the Chinese, vernacular education was retained as part of the national school system. The liberalism was well-intentioned and in line with the spirit of Malaysia’s constitution whereby minority communities are given the right to use and develop their own languages."
哦,今天政治人物的种族主义的源头,如果不是全部,至少大部分是因为有多元源流学校的关系?那些不知羞,甚至骄傲大声声称自己不能以马来语交谈的人,你要打赌他们来自华文或淡米尔文学校的家伙?对,幸好你还知道学习母语是国家宪法下的权力!这是你卖弄马来西亚政府开明,邀功政府使用多元教育源流的政策的地方吗?但是你可忘了,在实践上,有25%小学生的华小,却得不到1%的拨款!你的“好意”?


“The racial polarisation that we see so shamelessly capitalised on by politicians in Malaysia today is partly, if not wholly, attributable to that segregation in the school system. When you see not a few non-Malays unashamedly, even proudly, declaring that they cannot properly speak Malay, the national language, you can bet your life that these are the ones who graduated from the vernacular schools. This is fifty-three years after Malay was declared the national language.”
请问你,那一家华淡小读中是不学马来文的?
请问你,马来文的流利程度,是不是与,对马来西亚效忠和爱国,关系成正比?
请问你,有没有统计过,国民型中学或国中,辍学的华裔和印裔孩子,有多少?

对,就是怕你办的小学和中学程学术和育人的度差!怕你不认真!不合格的老师因为肤色而得到当老师的资格,误人子弟!不是吗?

你的教父,马哈迪不是也承认说,华裔印裔学生更具竞争力;当年要不是有特权,自己是没有办法进入医学系的。你看到吗?为什么华裔印裔要放弃,一个更成功,让孩子更具竞争力的教育模式,环境,方法?

“When a “Mandarin speakers only” requirement is stated in job advertisements, even for jobs which do not conceivably require much language skills, that surely is equivalent to saying “Chinese only”. But you will be hard put to find any Chinese who would admit that the practice is racially discriminatory.”
哦,如果我的客人以华裔为主,我应该规定客人必须以马来文跟公司沟通啊?
哦,如果我与中国客户有往来,我应该规定别人必须以马来文跟公司沟通啊?

这就是多掌握一种语言,就多一分竞争力咯!
你就是说,不要谈自由竞争,不要说绩效;要把你当皇帝,有优先咯!
此地无银三百两!
自暴其短!
呜呼哀哉!

*****************************************************************************
FEB 10 — John Malott has waded into the debate on Malaysian race relations with half an analysis when obviously a fuller one would have been of greater service to the discourse. Granted, his piece was intended more than anything else to be a critique of Prime Minister Najib Razak’s handling of the current situation in the country.
However, in doing so, he has highlighted only the non-Malay responses to what is described as Malay racism. This is very misleading and the reason for my saying that he had written only half an analysis of the situation.

A more robust and honest assessment of race relations in Malaysia would take into account the fact that what appears to be Malay racism is in itself a response to non-Malay racism against Malays. Yes, two wrongs do not make a right. But as the Malay saying goes, “It takes both hands to clap”. That is to say, Malott’s article runs the risk of completely absolving non-Malays from any responsibility in the racial predicament that the country is in.

That is nothing less than avoiding reality and counter-productive to any effort to improve race relations in Malaysia. Malays have their grievances, too, against the Chinese. The fact that they seldom get aired does not make those grievances any less legitimate or valid.

Education for the very young is one obvious area where racist attitudes can be nipped in the bud. The importance for racial integration to begin at a young age is recognised, so much so that in the 1960s and 1970s, the US supreme court sanctioned the forced bussing of students in order to break down the racial segregation between white and African-American schools. That was in America.

In Malaysia, a different approach towards early education was adopted. In concession to the non-Malays, especially the Chinese, vernacular education was retained as part of the national school system. The liberalism was well-intentioned and in line with the spirit of Malaysia’s constitution whereby minority communities are given the right to use and develop their own languages.

In practice, and perhaps this was unforeseen by Malaysia’s founding fathers, the national-vernacular dichotomy in the school system has resulted in precisely the kind of early-age racial segregation that the bussing laws, upheld by the US supreme court justices, sought to eradicate in America. While desegregation of schools may or may not result in greater racial integration, segregation virtually guarantees that there will be no racial integration.

The racial polarisation that we see so shamelessly capitalised on by politicians in Malaysia today is partly, if not wholly, attributable to that segregation in the school system. When you see not a few non-Malays unashamedly, even proudly, declaring that they cannot properly speak Malay, the national language, you can bet your life that these are the ones who graduated from the vernacular schools. This is fifty-three years after Malay was declared the national language.

The Chinese community jealously guard the existence of the vernacular schools, implicitly reinforcing the message of their racial and cultural separateness and exclusivity but yet insist that they should not be looked at as the “other” by Malays. For many Malays, including this writer, that smacks of having your cake and eating it, too.

Often the excuse given by the Chinese for insisting that their children go to vernacular schools and for more such schools to be built is the poor quality of national schools. Surely the solution is not to build more racially-segregated schools but to join hands with Malays and Indians in insisting and ensuring that the quality of national schools be improved for the benefit of children of all ethnicities. Perhaps that is considered such an outlandishly “out-of-the-racial box” thinking that I have never heard any Chinese make that call.

Any sincere and honest effort to improve race relations has to take cognizance of the fact that racism exists in and racial discrimination is practised, to one extend or another, by all the races in Malaysia.

However, my own honest observation is that the Chinese never want to admit or acknowledge their own racism against Malays or other races.

Official and overt discriminatory policies can easily be criticised as institutionalised racism but covert racial discriminations by their very nature are harder to pinpoint. That does not mean they don’t exist or any less invidious than the former.

When a “Mandarin speakers only” requirement is stated in job advertisements, even for jobs which do not conceivably require much language skills, that surely is equivalent to saying “Chinese only”. But you will be hard put to find any Chinese who would admit that the practice is racially discriminatory.

When Malaysia’s most famous blogger, Raja Petra Kamarudin, related some years ago in his blog how Chinese businesses ganged up to ensure the failure of his motorcycle dealership, none of his Chinese readers cared to acknowledge that he was the victim of racism. His was probably just the tip of the iceberg of similar cases.

And it’s always with a mixture of amusement and sadness when I read the many comments in the internet from non-Malays complaining about the racial policies of the Malaysian government which scarcely conceal their own racism towards Malays in general. If Malott doubts the truth of what I am saying, he should read the comments that followed the publication of his recent article in Malaysian news portals.

To many Malays, given the refusal of non-Malays to even acknowledge their own racism, the prospect of a rollback of whatever few affirmative action policies left on the plate appears to be concessions which are unlikely to be matched in a similar spirit by the Chinese in the spheres that they predominate, namely the commercial and economic.

If Najib can be accused of pandering to militant Malay groups, Chinese political leaders in the government and opposition too can be accused of pandering to their racial constituency.

In my lifetime, I have yet to hear of any Chinese leader asking that the Chinese to join in and contribute towards the betterment of national schools. I have yet to hear of one calling for Chinese businesses to assist or at least not to gang up against their fellow non-Chinese businesses or to not practise discrimination in their employment policies.

Malott failed to take into account one side of the equation in his brief exposition of the race relations situation in Malaysia. Hopefully, I have managed to redress that and allow a better understanding of why things are the way they are in Malaysia.

It would have been more gracious of Malott if he had used his relationship with Malaysians during his tenure as a diplomat to impart his country’s experience and firm action with regard to vigilance against the emergence of the evil that is racism, than to make things worse by dogmatically adopting the attitude that sympathising with the minority makes one righteous.

3 条评论:

Casendra 说...

看到我都火了。。。grrrrr...

大佬:“反秤复民” 说...

展兴兄鸟得一阵见血。

正掌心 说...

Casendra, 是,这些根本就是蛮夷!

大佬兄,这些人是不讲道理的。